Councilman Stephen Levin. (Photo: Facebook)

Vito Lopez protegé and City Councilman Stephen Levin walked into the lion's den last night, facing the virulently anti-Lopez New Kings Democratic club for the first time.

Mr. Levin, Mr. Lopez's former chief of staff, was invited to a club candidate forum in a Williamsburg basement decorated with musical instruments, old video games and a pile of stuffed Care Bears, where members sipped beers and passed around pizza slices as candidates spoke. Members described the appearance as "an historic event for a very small group of people."

"Thanks for inviting me here tonight and for the warm reception," began Mr. Levin, who is running for re-election and being challenged by another Stephen. Stephen Pierson, who faces an uphill path to victory, has focused his campaign on slamming Mr. Levin for his ties to Mr. Lopez.

But the warmth didn't last long. Members peppered Mr. Levin with questions about the ex-Assemblyman whom Mr. Levin said he cut ties with after the report outlining his sexual harassment allegations was released.

"You know, when I took office, I started out working on issues that matter to the 33rd District, and the 33rd District doesn't really overlap with [Mr. Lopez's old] 53rd Assembly district," said Mr. Levin. "I set out to make a name for myself on issues like education, on issues like addressing the homeless issue in New York City."

"Obviously, you know, I read the report that came out, was appalled, I was shocked, and what was in that report and the actions that former Assemblyman Lopez did are unacceptable in any format whatsoever--in any type of environment whatsoever, workplace, elsewhere, doesn't matter, totally 100 percent unacceptable, appalling, and in this instance a real break of the public trust," he added. "He and I have not spoken in quite some time."

Another member questioned Mr. Levin's judgment, asking how it was possible that he didn't sense something was wrong during the three years he worked by Mr. Lopez's side.

"During those three years there were never any incidents of sexual harassment. There were never any allegations of sexual harassment," he explained, adding that he'd reached out to several women who used to work there to make sure nothing had happened on his watch.

He also apologized for the rift that had developed between him and Democratic State Committeeman Lincoln Restler, the leader of the club.

"I think in the past, Lincoln and I kind of didn't always see eye to eye politically," he said. "I'm looking forward to moving past that and working together."

But soon it was time for Mr. Pierson, who spent nearly his entire time in front of the group ripping Mr. Levin, accusing him of sending tax money out of the district to Mr. Lopez's non-profit, refusing go meet with members of a certain Jewish faction, and ignoring LGBT organizations to avoid offending his Orthodox Jewish base.

"This race, as I see it, is a chance for us to stand up and loudly say that this sort of behavior in unacceptable ... these self-serving, behind the closed doors decision-making, they don't have a place in this district," he said.

As he spoke, Mr. Levin stood quietly near the room's staircase, with his arms crossed, raising his eyebrows dramatically, trying to cast doubt on Mr. Pierson's accusations as he spoke.

Nonetheless, the club failed to endorse Mr. Pierson by two-thirds of the vote and thus did not endorse anyone.

Art by Brian Taylor

The week before Vito Lopez resigned, the state ethics commission released a scathing 68-page report that detailed a lurid pattern of abuse in his district office.

According to the allegations, the former assemblyman once lamented the existence of statutory rape laws in the presence of a 14-year-old intern. Mr. Lopez demanded massages from female staffers, including one who cried and expressed her discomfort as a former rape victim. At a bar one evening, he grabbed an employee’s hands from across the table. When she tried to pull away, he tightened his grip. When she began to cry, Mr. Lopez said he’d release her only after she counted to 60. When she did, he stared at her for the full minute.

After resigning from his Assembly seat on Monday morning, Mr. Lopez is said to be contemplating a seemingly unfathomable second act: running for City Council. Given the accusations against him, what’s more surprising is that even his detractors acknowledge that Mr. Lopez actually has a viable path to victory.

The key to his support is a career of aggressive local advocacy that goes back four decades. As an ambitious young politician, Mr. Lopez founded a far-reaching social service network that relied on public funding and over time, ushered in significant neighborhood improvements to Bushwick, a section of Brooklyn once plagued by violence, arson and riots. Despite the unsavory headlines, Mr. Lopez is still held in high regard among the beneficiaries of his efforts. “I don’t believe that’s true,” Gloria Bonilla, 61, said of the allegations as she left a red-bricked Melrose Avenue building Mr. Lopez helped fund. “I don’t care what anyone says.”

“Who knows if it was just someone making up lies?” asked another building resident who declined to give her name. “I give him the benefit of the doubt.”

“He’s giving low-income families the opportunity to have beautiful apartments in Brooklyn,” she added, gesturing to the buildings she’s lived in for the past three years, which Mr. Lopez helped create.

"Thank You Assemblyman Vito J. Lopez" (Photo: Colin Campbell)

The sunny buildings, with their bright blue and cream accents, stand out in the working-class, largely Latino neighborhood. A sign above one entrance reads “Thank You Assemblyman Vito J. Lopez.” Meanwhile, at a nearby intersection, the three other corners are empty lots, secured with graffiti-covered corrugated metal walls, barbed wire and padlocks.

Manuel Sanchez, 45, born in the Dominican Republic, has lived in the complex for two years. Despite limited English, his eyes lit up when he heard Mr. Lopez’s name.

“This building, this whole block, he did it,” Mr. Sanchez said. He said he’d heard about the allegations (“something about secretaries”), but has voted for Mr. Lopez numerous times and wouldn’t hesitate to do so again.

In a city where most New Yorkers are hard-pressed to name their local assemblyman, how did Mr. Lopez become a household name in his district? Fresh out of Yeshiva University with a degree in social work, in 1973 the Bensonhurst-born Mr. Lopez founded the Ridgewood Bushwick Senior Citizens Council to deliver sorely needed services. In 1984, a seat opened up in the State Assembly, and Mr. Lopez’s connections in the community enabled him to seize it.

By the time Clarence Norman, then the head of Kings County Democratic Party, was convicted of corruption in 2005, Mr. Lopez had enough support to replace him. As head of the county organization, he could reward allies with judgeships and electoral support—and threaten foes with primary challenges. That influence, combined with his perch on the Assembly’s housing committee, allowed Mr. Lopez to funnel millions of dollars into Ridgewood Bushwick, which in turn provided him with name recognition, supporters and volunteers, both in his own district and neighboring ones.

“Vito created a new model of a contemporary political machine,” Lincoln Restler, a northern Brooklyn Democratic activist and Vito antagonist, explained in an interview. “Gone are the days of widespread patronage in city government that district leaders and county government could deliver to their constituents. Vito created a nonprofit as a vehicle for delivering services to his political loyalists.”

Rather than the outright graft of the Boss Tweed era, nonprofits provide a more above-board mechanism for moving taxpayer dollars around. Mr. Lopez’s organization grew into a sprawling social services empire providing housing, health care, youth activities and senior centers to Bushwick, Williamsburg, Ridgewood and surrounding areas, while employing some 2,000 people. They included Mr. Lopez’s girlfriend, Angela Battaglia, who reportedly made $352,000 as Ridgewood Bushwick’s housing director in 2011. Up until recently, Mr. Lopez’s campaign treasurer was the nonprofit’s executive director.

“He has been involved in delivering services and doling out favors for a very long time to the people who live in this district,” Mr. Restler said. “There are more abuelitas—more grandmothers—who have had Vito sit at their dining room table in this district than you would believe. Accordingly, a remarkable percentage of the people in this district and the surrounding areas have been unwilling to believe that this sexual misconduct is true.”

If Mr. Lopez runs for City Council, his main opponent will be Antonio Reynoso, a former chief of staff to term-limited Councilwoman Diana Reyna--whose district he is now vying to represent. Mr. Reynoso, an energetic 30-year-old who biked over to a Williamsburg cafe to discuss the race last Friday, is a strong contrast to the 71-year-old Mr. Lopez, whose hulking frame can fill up a room. Where Mr. Lopez is quick to tout his extensive legislative record, Mr. Reynoso questioned whether someone so reviled could accomplish anything more when stripped of influence outside of the footprint of Ridgewood Bushwick.

“Vito is extremely defiant—egomaniacal,” Mr. Reynoso said, suggesting the allegations only make Mr. Lopez more likely to run. “Every single day he has to prove something to the world. Who he harms along that path to self-fulfillment is insignificant to him … I don’t want my community to be left with a representative who’s not going to be able to help them.”

Mr. Reynoso said the scandal’s most salacious details have yet to permeate the community, and he admitted that Mr. Lopez’s most passionate supporters may not be swayed, but the appearance of the former assemblyman’s mug on the front page of the city’s tabloids has had an effect. “People know, they just don’t know how bad it is,” Mr. Reynoso said. “They know it’s in regards to sexual harassment, they just don’t know the details.”

It’s still unclear whether Mr. Lopez, who has not been criminally charged despite the sordid pile of evidence against him, will ultimately pursue a comeback campaign. Although he firmly stated his intention to run last week, he later indicated that the decision would be informed by his health as he receives treatments for cancer.

Should Mr. Lopez make the electoral leap, he can expect plenty of headwinds from the city’s political establishment. Many of Mr. Lopez’s former political allies have called on him to stand down, while almost every mayoral candidate and labor union has publicly thrown endorsements at Mr. Reynoso, who has his own base of support. For the first time, Mr. Lopez would be running effectively on his own.

What’s more, Bushwick and Williamsburg are less hardscrabble than they were when Mr. Lopez first arrived four decades ago. The western ends of Ms. Reyna’s district have been subjected to waves of gentrification, and the electorate has accordingly transformed.

“This gentrifying community, there is a voting bloc to it,” Mr. Reynoso said. “They tend to be more progressive and folks who really know what Vito is doing. They do read the Post and the Daily News.”

Additional reporting by Jill Colvin

Lincoln Restler with a bullhorn at yesterday's event.

His mouth buried in a bullhorn, Lincoln Restler howled at the tinted windows in front of him.

"I see you didn't bring your daughters to dinner!" the Democratic activist shouted at a slew of dark-suited men slipping soundlessly into the sumptuous Williamsburg restaurant.

"Ooh,"  mumbled a grinning police officer. “That was harsh."

Though Assemblyman Vito Lopez, the ex-boss of the Brooklyn Democratic Party, never appeared at the small protest  in Williamsburg yesterday, he was the sole reason for its existence. Mr. Lopez, accused of sexually harassing his staffers last year, was hosting his first fund-raiser for a potential City Council bid that has enraged many of the Democrats that he once dominated as Brooklyn's power broker. Wielding their "Molester-Free Zone" signs and cutting slogans, Mr. Restler and his New Kings Democrats club sought to shame Mr. Lopez's allies and demonstrate their strong opposition to his possible campaign. Mr. Lopez has denied all the allegations.

"Vito Lopez must understand that his actions have deeply offended Brooklynites," Mr. Restler, a former district leader who lost his post to an ally of Mr. Lopez last year, told Politicker at the protest. “We are going to fight his and his campaign every step of the way, that any single person who believes that they should still associate themselves with this sexual predator will feel the wrath of progressive Brooklynites."

A little over a dozen protesters, many of them belonging to N.K.D., stood in a cordoned off area just outside the property of the restaurant, Giando on the Water, where Mr. Lopez's allies appeared. Press were barred from entering the fund-raiser and several attendees refused to speak with Politicker as they walked towards the doors. While the wrath of the protesters--they alternated between chants like "five, six, seven, eight, perverts shouldn't legislate" and "send him to jail, not the City Council"--was never in doubt, the promised  mass of anti-Lopez forces never materialized.

The candidate at the center of the anti-Lopez campaign, Antonio Reynoso, was not at the rally. Nor was the term-limited incumbent, Councilwoman Diana Reyna, another Lopez foe. However, one candidate, Stephen Pierson, who's challenging Mr. Lopez's former chief of staff Councilman Steve Levin in a neighboring district, stood quietly in the throng of protesters.

Across the street, a cluster of Hasidim gawked at the protesters, at times filming them with their smartphones. One of them, a member of a smaller, anti-Lopez sect, told Politicker between cigarette puffs that he hated Mr. Lopez and hoped he and his allies could finally lose an election.

"He's disgusting, don't you think?" he asked.

Some of the protesters conceded that defeating Mr. Lopez, an assemblyman in Brooklyn since 1984, could be an uphill battle, even with the bevy of labor unions and high-profile elected officials flocking to Mr. Reynoso. Still, America Ruiz, a 30 year resident of south Williamsburg, said she was willing to fight on.

"We are not a manor here, this is a community and he decides what is going on here like this is his manor," she said. "He controls the lives of the people here, who is elected. He is not for the community."

For his part, Mr. Lopez told Politicker yesterday that he was somewhat baffled by the then-upcoming protest, but argued it should be the voters who decide who represents them if he indeed runs for the City Council.

“It seems like they’re putting a lot of time and energy into preventing me from running, even though I haven’t yet decided to run,” Mr. Lopez said over the phone. "You wonder–they’re a reform group–why would they want to spend energy to prevent somebody from running in an election? That doesn’t seem like reform.”

Correction: This story originally incorrectly stated that State Sen. Martin Dilan attended the fund-raiser for Mr. Lopez.

Lincoln Restler.

For many months, Lincoln Restler, the winner and loser of two incredibly-tight, back-to-back district leader campaigns, has been a chief antagonist of Brooklyn Councilman Steve Levin and was seriously exploring a highly-anticipated run against him. Today, however, Mr. Restler ultimately decided against the bid, freeing Mr. Levin of his most serious opponent this year.

"A number of people have asked me about my plans to run for office again and I wanted to share my thinking directly with you," Mr. Restler wrote in an email to supporters this evening. "I have decided not to run for City Council this year. While I've had my share of disagreements with Councilmember Stephen Levin, I also respect that he has been a member of the Progressive Caucus, has brought participatory budgeting to our community, and has strived to actively represent our neighborhoods."

Mr. Restler's electoral plans, like his re-election bid to his district leader post, were complicated by redistricting. Over his firm protestations, Williamsburg's Hasidic community was further consolidated in Mr. Levin's district, giving the incumbent a firm base of support to ward off a potential challenge. Mr. Levin declined to immediately comment on the development.

In his email, which you can view below, Mr. Restler also endorsed Public Advocate Bill de Blasio for mayor.

I hope this note finds you well. The 2013 elections will be transformational for our City, as we elect a new Mayor, Comptroller, Public Advocate and Brooklyn Borough President, and at least half of the members of the New York City Council will be new to the chamber.

A number of people have asked me about my plans to run for office again and I wanted to share my thinking directly with you. I have decided not to run for City Council this year. While I've had my share of disagreements with Councilmember Stephen Levin, I also respect that he has been a member of the Progressive Caucus, has brought participatory budgeting to our community, and has strived to actively represent our neighborhoods.

In all sincerity, it has been my greatest privilege to represent the 50th Assembly District and to help make local government work better in our community. My experience as a Brooklyn activist and elected representative has been guided first and foremost by the desire to help my neighbors and give back to our neighborhoods. I don't believe we need a political office to advocate for the issues that matter most to us. For my part, I will keep fighting for reform in the Brooklyn political system, responsible development that meets our needs, improved mass transit, and the creation of more green spaces. I am now leading the New York City Employment and Training Coalition, where I'm focused on ensuring New Yorkers are attaining quality training and employment.

While I do very much hope to have the opportunity to represent our community again in the near future, this election year presents a remarkable opportunity for us all to profoundly shape our City's future. I am committing my energy to helping elect some true progressive reformers that will help us realize the Brooklyn and New York City we deserve. I hope you will join me in supporting City Council candidates Antonio Reynoso to succeed Diana Reyna in Williamsburg and Bushwick and Carlos Menchaca in the neighborhoods of Sunset Park, Red Hook, and South Park Slope. I am proud to be supporting Public Advocate Bill de Blasio for Mayor - as the time has come for a progressive Democrat to lead our City.

In the weeks ahead, I hope we can work together to improve our neighborhoods and to support leaders running for office who can help us build a brighter future for our City. Please never hesitate to contact me directly if I can ever be of assistance and I will keep you posted as the campaigns heat up.

Thank you for your extraordinary support,

Lincoln Restler

The 33rd Council District. (Photo: Districting Commission/Google Maps)

One of the fiercest disputes over the decennial redistricting process raged on after the final versions of the new City Council district maps were released this week. Councilman Steve Levin insisted the process through which the districts were drawn was focused on substance while his potential rival, Lincoln Restler, repeatedly dismissed the new Council maps as rooted in political concerns.

"There was never a serious discussion," Mr. Restler argued. "This was a political deal made by the Speaker and the local council member and it's clear throughout the entire process that it's nothing more than an incumbent protection program."

Mr. Restler's long-rumored bid to unseat Mr. Levin took a significant hit when the redistricting dust finally settled. In their final lines, the commission tasked with the decennial redrawing of City Council boundaries upheld an alteration to Mr. Levin's 33rd District that added tracts of Hasidic Jewish voters likely to back Mr. Levin and removed parts of Brownstone Brooklyn favorable to Mr. Restler.

Though neighboring Councilwoman Tish James supported Mr. Restler in his ultimately fruitless bid to undo the change, which was unveiled in an earlier draft, the Commission held its ground arguing the boundaries were amended to ensure Ms. James's district kept a black majority in compliance with the Voting Rights Act while also uniting a local community of common interest: Orthodox Jews.

Mr. Levin, in a lengthy explanation, laid out arguments for why the new district, which cuts out Park Slope and includes the neighborhoods of Greenpoint, Williamsburg, Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn Heights and Boerum Hill, is now more logically configured. He agreed with the commission's reasoning, and also pointed out travel from Park Slope to Brooklyn Heights to Greenpoint, via car or public transportation, could be unwieldy if he wanted to conduct multiple meetings in those neighborhoods on a single night, thus justifying the new fourth avenue boundary that shed Park Slope from the district.

"If you see the map of the district, the district as it currently is resembles some type of dinosaur skeleton," Mr. Levin said. "The Districting Commission has a very smart staff and they're balancing a lot of considerations. To me, this is actually above politics. So I think the Commission, if you talk to them, you see they have to specifically address interests in opposition to each other, which is a tough thing to do."

Although he promised in January that he would make an announcement in regards to his possible City Council bid at this week's meeting of his New Kings Democrats club, Mr. Restler didn't end up clarifying his plans and declined to comment on the subject.

It was the multicultural American Dream, the only hope of ambitious Russian immigrants and the possible death knell of Orthodox Jewish communities, all at once, at least according to some of those testifying at the redistricting hearing last night in Brooklyn.

It was not the controversial draft map that placed potential Council candidate Vito Lopez in a neighboring district--the aspect of this year's redrawing of the City Council lines to reflect the new Census numbers that has attracted the most media coverage--that sparked the controversy last night. Rather, two versions of Councilman Michael Nelson’s 48th District offered alternating realities for competing demographic groups, dominating the public hearing in front of most members of the Districting Commission.

Along with the term-limited Mr. Nelson, Orthodox Jewish leaders packed the hearing to affirm their opposition to proposed council lines that they said would split their Midwood area stronghold into two districts, Mr. Nelson’s and the neighboring 45^th, represented by Councilman Jumaane Williams. The proposed district also ropes in Russian-populated apartment complexes in Coney Island and Brighton Beach like Luna Park, Trump and Sea Breeze. Everyone testifying at the hearings agreed that Mr. Nelson’s district would become more Russian, which was thrilling for Russian media mogul Gregory Davidzon.

“Almost everybody who spoke today asked to keep communities together. African-American, Orthodox Jew, Chinese people and everybody has to be together,” Mr. Davidzon said. “You created a district with all Russians together. What’s wrong with this?”

Much is at stake for both factions. If the district lines are indeed altered significantly from Mr. Nelson’s current district, the probability of the emergent Russian community electing their first member of the City Council increases. After the revised district lines became public on Nov. 16, Brooklyn Councilman David Greenfield tweeted that, “First thing that jumps out in S. Brooklyn is creation of Super-Russian-American 48^th Council District.”

If the lines are adopted, the clout the Orthodox Jews have in their district with Mr. Nelson could be less likely to be replicated with the new council member. Orthodox Jews fear funding for crucial community programs will dry up and the district could lose some of its conservatism as less religious communities are added. Mr. Nelson and his allies sought to defend the current district as a multicultural bastion.

“The new lines that are proposed will disenfranchise our wonderful community,” said Josh Mehlman, an Orthodox Jewish civic leader. “Many people will not sit back and just allow it to be divided up. If this goes forward unchanged it will certainly backfire and cause problems that may be unforeseen. The Orthodox community has grown exponentially and this attempt to divide us is unconstitutional in our opinion and will certainly be a detriment to our community.”

If the proposed district is adopted, there will be ripple effects in the neighboring 47^th District being vacated by Councilman Domenic Recchia Jr. While John Lisyanskiy, a candidate of Russian descent, has already leaped into the race to replace Mr. Recchia, other candidates are holding off making their official declarations until the lines are finalized.

A possible candidate much further north, former district leader Lincoln Restler, saw his chances of victory take a hit when the commission unveiled a seemingly slight alteration to Councilman Stephen Levin’s Brownstone Brooklyn 33rd District that joined a Satmar community in northern Bedford-Stuyvesant with the influential Satmars of south Williamsburg, expanding a voting bloc supportive of Mr. Levin. Opinions among Orthodox Jews themselves were decidedly mixed; one Satmar said he didn’t want to live “in a Jewish ghetto,” preferring two council members for his community, while another praised the commission for uniting a “community of interest.”

Mr. Levin argued that the move was intended to increase the percentage of African-Americans in Councilwoman Tish James’s 35^th District. More speakers at the hearing were in Mr. Restler’s corner than Mr. Levin’s, including the term-limited Ms. James.

“Establishing a separate council district that would primarily affect the Orthodox population actually divides these residents from their longstanding neighbors,” Ms. James said. “Many leaders from the Orthodox community have shared their concerns about this Bed-Stuy area being rolled into a new councilmanic district, as they seek to have multiple legislative representatives.”

(Photo: @LincolnRestler)

“Does he have an office, though? Does he use the computer?”

The crowd jammed into Williamsburg’s Los Sures Museum last night for the New Kings Democrats’s first meeting of the year laughed at what was not necessarily intended to be a joke. Attorney Jason Otaño, an unsuccessful state senate candidate last fall, really wanted to know if Carl Hum, the executive director of the New York City Districting Commission, had an office and a computer.

Mr. Hum does indeed have both, but technology hasn't been his biggest headache during this year's decennial redistricting process where the City Council's lines will be redrawn to reflect the latest Census numbers. After the New York Post reported Councilman Erik Dilan requested his ally, former Brooklyn Democratic Party Chair Vito Lopez, have his residence drawn into term-limited Councilwoman Diana Reyna’s nearby district in anticipation of a potential Lopez Council run—a request that was honored in what was then the latest version of the district lines—Council Speaker Christine Quinn scrambled to push the Commission to move the scandal-scarred Mr. Lopez back and hold another round of public hearings this month.

Instead of Mr. Hum, Jonathan Ettricks, director of community outreach at the commission, spoke in front of what could have been a much more hostile crowd for the commission. NKD’s genesis was partially fueled by an anti-Lopez fervor that has not gone away with Mr. Lopez's fall from his former leadership position. Former district leader Lincoln Restler, mulling a City Council run of his own against Mr. Lopez’s former chief of staff, Stephen Levin, was blunt, characterizing the commission’s redistricting as “not at all an independent process.”

“Carl [Hum] said that he took the interests of incumbents into account and that there’s nothing inappropriate about that and that the relationships they developed with constituents should be a critical factor in determining the lines,” Mr. Restler said to Mr. Ettricks. “That seemed highly unusual to me.”

“I think if Carl made that comment he was being candid. Again, any elected official by virtue of being an elected official is not barred from making their interests known,” Mr. Ettricks replied.

Elected officials, Mr. Ettricks argued, have the same right to voice opinions in this process as they do everywhere else, like in local zoning or transportation issues. NKD President Alex Low and other members wanted to know why meetings between City Council members and commission members were not a part of the readily available public record, like testimonies at public hearings.

“You know something, to be perfectly candid, I don’t know the reason why that process doesn’t exist,” Mr. Ettricks reiterated. “I think that’s an issue that has come up and there are some elected officials who have even raised that issue publicly and perhaps it’s something that should be done going forward but it’s not something that was incorporated into the process.”

Yet when Mr. Restler asked how the public could be confident their voices would be taken into account during the public hearings, Mr. Ettricks nevertheless admitted, “I would be disingenuous if I said politics was completely removed from this process."

(Photo: Facebook)

A number of other candidates have won tough races tonight. As the results come trickling in, here are some notable ones:

Assemblyman William Boyland Jr., currently facing federal charges that he solicited bribes to pay his legal bills in an unrelated federal corruption case, won against a slew of challengers. Six opponents split the anti-Boyland vote, allowing him to skate by with a weak plurality.

State Senator Shirley Huntley, indicted a couple weeks ago on charges that she helped deliver member items to a sham non-profit, lost to Councilman James Sanders, who waged an aggressive campaign and managed to turn out his base in a seat made less favorable to Ms. Huntley in redistricting.

Despite John Messer's full campaign war chest and some less-than-ideal lines after redistricting, Queens Democrats successfully pulled Senator Toby Ann Stavisky across the finish line for a comfortable victory.

Walter Mosley, Assemblyman Hakeem Jeffries pick to replace him, won a convincing victory over his fellow district leader, Ola Alabi.

Senator Martin Dilan, proving that Vito Lopez's woes are not his own, also won a dominating victory over his challenger Jason Otaño.

In what may be another victory from beyond Mr. Lopez's political grave, reports suggest District Leader Lincoln Restler is currently in a tough position against Chris Olechowski.

Assemblywoman Rhoda Jacobs somehow managed to pull off a dominating victory over Rodneyse Bichotte, even as the demographics of the district worked strongly against her. The veteran lawmaker will return to Albany for yet another term.

Also not sweating the demographics of his district, Assemblyman Mike Miller won against Etienne Adorno.

Ron Kim looks to be in a good position for Assemblywoman Grace Meng's old seat. Despite being backed by the county's Democratic organization, Mr. Kim appeared to be a bit of an underdog in the closing days of the campaign, so if true, it'll be an upset.

Mark Gjonaj looks like he'll pull it off against incumbent Assemblywoman Naomi Rivera, who's being investigated as to whether she abused her office.

In Brooklyn Civil Court races, we hear Richard Montelione and Schlomo Mostofsky were victorious.

Less surprising results:

• Eric Ulrich easily defeated Juan Reyes for the right to challenge Democratic Senator Joe Addabbo in November.
• Brad Holyman will replace State Senator Tom Duane in Manhattan.
• The Tischler brothers didn't make much of a mark against State Senate candidate Simcha Felder and Assemblyman Dov Hikind.
• Senator Neil Breslin cleaned up against spirited challenger Shawn Morse.
• Assemblyman Nick Perry defeated attorney Terry Hinds.
• Luis Sepulveda won Assemblyman Peter Rivera's old seat.

Voters wait in line to cast their ballots.

It's primary day in New York City! That means if you go to any polling site in the five boroughs, you're going to see bored workers and low turnout. That is, unless you are in Hasidic Williamsburg, where voters are turning out in throngs to decide who will represent them in an unpaid position in the Kings County Democratic Party. In that race, District Leader Lincoln Restler, a staunch critic of Brooklyn's scandal-tarred Democratic boss Vito Lopez, is trying to win re-election as the establishment moves to try and squash his political career in a battle Mr. Restler has dubbed "Vito's last stand."

We visited a heavily Hasidic polling site off Heyward Street, where indeed, long lines of Orthodox Jewish voters filled a school gymnasium, the atmosphere buzzing with activity. A couple dozen yards outside the entrance, signs in Yiddish urged locals to vote for Mr. Restler or his opponent, community board chairman Chris Olechowski, and young volunteers for Mr. Olechowski sat in a booth, routinely shouting, "Vote!"

Despite Mr. Lopez's woes stemming from serious sexual harassment claims, found credible by the State Assembly, members of the the local Jewish community argue the election is a way to demonstrate their electoral strength for the 2013 elections, where New York City will be electing its next mayor and other top government positions.

"The number of votes for Chris Olechowski in our neighborhood will clearly show the following and support that UJO and Satmar (zalis) have in Williamsburg," an pro-Olechowski email circulating around the neighborhood declared. "Right or wrong, this is precisely how the political world and the media will analyze it and this will form the basis as to how the new democratic party of Brooklyn will form their alliances and loyalty and this election turnout will guide the 2013 Citywide candidates in their quest for Williamsburg support."

It added, "Its a consequential election with the results affecting political calculations for years to come...."

And turn out they did. A poll worker told Politicker that turnout was on par with the June 26th primary election where the two Satmar sects showed up en masse to vote for and against a Lopez-backed challenge to Congresswoman Nydia Velázquez. Because the larger sect supports Mr. Lopez's candidates, at least for now, Mr. Restler will need relatively strong turnout in the other parts of the district in order to have a chance at reelection.

Accordingly, Mr. Restler has parked himself outside of a senior center in Greenpoint for the entire 15 hour period that poll sites will be open today. Many of the passerby recognized Mr. Restler, who slipped in and out of Spanish--and, with a little more difficulty, Polish--to greet them and encourage them to take the time to vote.

"There is terrific energy and buzz in the neighborhood about the race, I think we have two hundred individuals who are volunteering for us today and I'm excited about our ability to turn out every independently-minded voter in the 50th Assembly District," he told us.

Of course, it's strange to see such passion and effort for a district leader's race, where both Mr. Restler and Mr. Olechowski have raised far more money and spent far more energy campaigning than one would typically see for such an election. We asked Mr. Restler if it ever dawned on him that despite the tension, he's still campaigning for a position most people aren't even aware of.

"People are aware of it here," he answered.

A map of New York City's State Senate districts.

It's Election Day in New York next Thursday! But instead of a titanic battle between ideologies--your Mitt Romneys vs. Barack Obamas, if you will--the options on the ballot will be little-noticed state legislative contests between candidates of the same party, often with few policy differences.

However, that doesn't mean that there aren't some exciting races happening. From "Who Gets Arrested for Raping a Grandmother?" to “Assemblywoman Caught Up in Sex Scandal with Two Young Men,” there's been no shortage of nasty drama and mud slinging as voters head to the polls.

Here's a breakdown of who's running and why it might matter who wins. The list below focuses on Democratic races because the few Republican primaries in this staunchly blue city tend to have clear favorites or are taking place in such Democratic territory that the victor is reasonably likely to be irrelevant.

So, without further ado...

Category #1: The End of the Rainbow

Four Republicans crossed the aisle to help pass gay marriage in New York last year, and three of them are running for re-election this year, Senators Mark Grisanti, Steve Saland and Roy McDonald, are all facing primary challengers that have come out on the opposite side of the marriage issue.

Advocates on both sides of the debate have invested heavily in these races, and regardless of the outcome, the results are sure to help set a national narrative about what happens to Republicans who support gay marriage. Can otherwise conservative lawmakers survive the backlash, or will their unorthodoxies topple their political careers? As state legislatures across this country consider passing gay marriage themselves, these three races could impact the discussion.

And with campaign literature like this, these races won't be short on fireworks.

Category #2: Indictment Excitement

There are a number of elected officials running for re-election with various criminal allegations hanging over their heads. If the more ethically challenged ones win and are eventually convicted of abusing their offices, the results of these races might send a depressing message about the state of the electorate. (They have all maintained their innocence.)

State Senator Shirley Huntley, who was arrested a couple weeks ago on charges that she used member items to line the pockets of her friends and family, is facing a very strong primary challenge from Councilman James Sanders. Even before Ms. Huntley's legal troubles, Mr. Sanders was mounting a credible primary challenge, as his base in Far Rockaway was drawn into her southeastern Queens district in this year's redistricting process. Mr. Sanders has also picked up support from a number of unions and the influential Rev. Floyd Flake, making this race seem like it's his to lose at this point.

Assemblyman William Boyland Jr. currently stands accused of one of the more hilarious acts of alleged official impropriety in recent memory -- taking bribes to pay for his legal bills he ran up in a separate bribery case. It's not clear if Mr. Boyland intends to fight the federal charges again or accept a plea deal, but the indictment--with wiretap evidence--seems pretty damning. Damning enough that he'd have a much harder re-election bid ahead of him if it weren't for the fact that he's facing eight (!) challengers who will split the anti-Boyland vote. With such a large field, it's difficult to get a clear read on this Brownsville and Ocean Hill-based district, but activist Tony Herbert and campaign operative Anthony Jones seems to be running some of the stronger non-Boyland campaigns.

Assemblywoman Naomi Rivera is being investigated by a small army of agencies on whether she may have illegally provided jobs to her boyfriends and used a nonprofit's funds for personal and political purposes. She faces a field of three opponents, but businessman Mark Gjonaj is running the most serious campaign of the bunch, with over $200,000 in his war chest and substantial investments in advertising and field operations. Ms. Rivera won't go down without a fight, however, and the Bronx Democratic establishment is pulling out all the stops to ensure she pulls out a victory. Will she be able to survive the barrage of bad headlines that have dogged her for the last few weeks and make it through Election Day?

Category #3: Rage Against the Machine

While Ms. Rivera's race features a classic establishment vs. insurgent dynamic, it's hardly the only one. Candidates across every borough except Staten Island are running against the folks who are currently in charge. Nowhere is this dynamic more pronounced than Brooklyn, where scandal-scarred Kings County Democratic boss Vito Lopez is still ostensibly in control and has yet to formally relinquish power. If anti-County candidates succeed, it will weaken the organizations' ability to convince mayoral contenders and other candidates they are still top dogs in this city.

District Leader Lincoln Restler is considered a rising star in Democratic politics, but before he can continue rising, he's going to have to win a tough reelection battle. Mr. Restler, a prominent critic of Mr. Lopez, would be cruising to reelection but for the fact his opponent, Chris Olechowski, is destined to receive the majority of the ballots in vote-heavy Hasidic Williamsburg. It seems like all the winds are blowing in Mr. Restler's favor, but given the bloc of votes against him, this will be a race that plenty of political observers will be following Thursday night.

Senator Martin Dilan may or may not be vulnerable, but given his close alliance with Mr. Lopez and the fact that his senate district overlaps with Mr. Lopez's assembly seat, his reelection race will serve as a test for the machine in Brooklyn's new political world. While Mr. Dilan would appear to have the edge, attorney Jason Otaño is mounting a vigorous campaign. If Mr. Otaño can make a strong showing, he could be a strong candidate in the future, at the very least.

Open Seat to replace outgoing Assemblywoman Grace Meng: A crowded field of candidates is vying to replace Ms. Meng--who left the her diverse seat based in Asian-majority Flushing to pursue a congressional campaign. The County's Democratic Party has backed Ron Kim, a former government aide and political operative, but his electoral prospects are far from clear. Ms. Meng has stayed out of the race and a number of other hopefuls, notably former City Council candidate Yen Chou, are in Mr. Kim's way. The other entrants in this unpredictable race are; Ethel Chen, Myungsuk Lee and Martha Flores-Vasquez.

Open seat to replace outgoing Assemblyman Rory Lancman: Mr. Lancman lost to Ms. Meng in her congressional race's Democratic primary and isn't pursuing reelection. His seat, like Ms. Meng's, is an Asian-majority district in northeastern Queens, but the field couldn't be more different as it features just two non-Asian candidates: community board chairman Jerry Iannece and former assembly chief of staff Nily Rozic. Queens Democrats are pushing hard for Mr. Iannece, and he would seem to be favored as a result. However, Ms. Rozic has picked up a number of notable endorsements, including The New York Times and various unions, creating a genuine horse race between the two.

State Senator Toby Ann Stavisky, who's also running for reelection in a Queens district that has been reconfigured to be Asian-majority, shouldn't really be that vulnerable without any major blunders in office and a reliably Democratic voting record. However, she only won 45 percent of the vote  in 2010 against two challengers. With a district that now includes new areas, she's facing a rematch against one of her 2010 foes, John Messer. Mr. Messer, a businessman and attorney, has his placed his personal wealth in the campaign too, to the tune of $500,000. Ms. Stavisky, with close ties to her senate colleagues and Queens County, has been doing plenty of her own fundraising and running an aggressive campaign, however.

Open seat to replace outgoing Assemblyman Hakeem Jeffries: Mr. Jeffries is on his way to become Brooklyn's next congressman and he's leaving a vacant Fort Greene and Clinton Hill-based district behind him. Three contenders are hoping to replace him; Walter Mosley, Ola Alabi and Martine Guerrier. Mr. Mosley has the support of Mr. Jeffries, who has a strong base in the district, but Ms. Alabi has been racking up endorsements and doesn't appear to be someone who can be easily counted out. Ms. Guerrier recently earned the endorsement of The Times and could potentially make an electoral mark of her own come Election Day.

Open seat: Pretty much everyone and their mother has endorsed community board chairman Brad Hoylman to replace retiring Senator Tom Duane in his Midtown-based district, but businessman Tommy Greco is hoping he can make a dent with the help of the storied McManus Club. It wold be a pretty surprising upset for Mr. Greco to pull off a victory, however.
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Category #4: Demographic Pressures

Like it or not, voting patterns often correspond with with ethnicity and political candidates often seek to take advantage of this fact. Some incumbents hold on year after year in districts that don't exactly look like them, while others have seen their districts change beneath their feet since they were first elected. Sometimes it all comes down to the political talents of the incumbents, while in other cases, there just might not be a path to victory anymore.

Assemblyman Steve Cymbrowitz is facing a challenge from Ben Akselrod in a race that could demonstrate electoral power of southeastern Brooklyn's Russian-speaking community. Mr. Akselrod, who started off with a strong campaign, stumbled a bit lately when he release a campaign mailer that referred to crime going up in the "negrohood," a mistake that generated local and national coverage. Whoever wins will be one of the more vulnerable Democratic candidates in the city, as the district's Russian and Orthodox Jews communities are increasingly trending conservative at the ballot box.

In a race that will test demographic realities to their very limit, veteran Assemblywoman Rhoda Jacobs is hoping she can be successfully reelected again in a district that is only 15% white. She is facing a serious challenge from District Leader Rodneyse Bichotte, who is of Caribbean descent. Ms. Jacobs, a high-ranking member of the State Assembly, is hoping for high turnout in the district's observant Jewish community.

Assemblyman Mike Miller is running for reelection in a district that contains Woodhaven and is plurality Latino. He faces off against Etienne David Adorno, who seems to be mounting a spirited campaign. If Mr. Miller's fundraising were just a tad stronger, this might not be a race to watch, but his campaign war chest is fairly weak for an incumbent.
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Category #5: Odds & Ends

There are some races to keep your thumb on that might not fit into an overarching narrative, but could still be well-worth watching for various reasons. More details below.

State Senator Adriano Espaillat, who narrowly lost a campaign against veteran Rep. Charlie Rangel earlier this year, is now running for reelection and facing a Rangel-backed challenger in Guillermo Linares. Mr. Linares, who's been endorsed by Mayor Michael Bloomberg and The New York Times, hasn't been holding his own in fundraising, but Mr. Espaillat has been spending lots of money and would appear to have the edge in this Washington Heights and West Side-based district. Mr. Espaillat is a leading contender for Mr. Rangel's seat in 2014, but his political career could be nipped in the bud if Mr. Linares is able to pull off an upset.

Open seat: With Mr. Linares' challenge to Mr. Espaillat, there's a new vacant Assembly district on the northern tip of Manhattan, and several contenders, including Mr. Linares' daughter Mayra Linares, are hoping to replace him. The other candidates include Assembly aide Gabriela Rosa and former candidate Ruben Vargas. Ms. Rosa, who is backed by Mr. Espaillat, and Ms. Linares, who is obviously being supported by her father, would appear to be the frontrunners. How much Mr. Espaillat and Mr. Linares can impact this race is unknown, however, as both may be focused on their own rivalry.

Councilman Charles Barron has made headlines in recent years with provocative campaigns for governor and congress, both of which he lost badly. However, Mr. Barron is not ready to exit stage right just yet. Insiders believe Mr, Barron and his wife, Assemblywoman Inez Barron, may intend to switch offices  and keep their respective seats in the family when he is term-limited in 2013. First, Ms. Barron will have to succeed in her own re-election bid against Chris Banks.

Moshe and Avraham Tischler, brothers who are 20 and 21 years old respectively, are challenging incumbent Assemblyman Dov Hikind and frontrunner State Senate candidate Simcha Felder for two overlapping Brooklyn seats. While neither is especially likely to win, should they post strong showings, it could be taken as a sign of weakness for the two establishment pols they're opposing, as well as the Orthodox Jewish political establishment at-large. Mr. Hikind doesn't have a GOP opponent but Mr. Felder is running against incumbent Republican Senator David Storobin, and he'll need Democrats on his side in the general election.

Assemblywoman Barbara Clark's ethical issues aren't quite enough to land her in the "Indictment Excitement" category, but attorney Clyde Vanel is running an active campaign and is hoping that voter dissatisfaction could lead to an upset in her eastern Queens district.
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Veteran Assemblyman Nick Perry shouldn't necessarily be vulnerable, but his opponent, attorney and community board chairman Terry Hinds, has a relatively strong profile.
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Well, there you have it. For those who really want to get into the weeds, there are also a number of competitive court races across the city. Otherwise, this list should be more than enough to keep you busy on Election Day. Politicker, of course, will be up late into the night following the results.